
U403 Emergency shut-valve
U403 Series Emergency Shut-off Valve are installed on fuel supply lines beneath at grade level to minimize hazards associated with collision or fire at the dispenser. If the dispenser is pulled over or dislodged by collision, the top of the valve breaks off the flow of fuel. Single-poppet models shut off supply flow, while double-poppet models shut off supply as well as prevent release of fuel from the dispenser's internal piping. The base of the Emergency Valve is securely anchored to the concrete dispenser island through a stabilizer bar system within a U-Bolt Assembly. Valve inlet (bottom) connection are female pipe threads and outlet (top) connections are available with female threads, male threads, or a union fitting. Other options include suction system models with a normally closed secondary poppet which maintain prime, and models with external threads on inlet body which connect to secondary containment system.
Materials:
Body: cast iron(Spray-paint)
Surface: electronic Nickel plated
Seal : Buna-N O-ring
Features :
Flow rate: 0- 120 L/M
Working pressure: 0.2Mpa
Valve closing speed: 0.5s
Lowest shut-off temperature: 75 ?
Medium: water, gasoline, diesel, and kerosene
Operating Environment: -30 ~+55degree
Fire Protection- a fusible link trips the valve closed at 75 to shut off fuel
supply to the dispense.
Integral Test Port - a 3/8" Test Port allows the piping system to be air tested
without breaking any piping connection.
Low-Profile Tops- Female and Union-top double-poppet valves have a low-profile top to allow upgrading from single-poppet valves without changing existing piping.
100% Factory Tested.
Replacement Parts:
Key Description Weight
1 Protect pin
1 Cap(Single) 0.795kg
2 Cap(Double) 0.895kg
Package:
Net Weight Cross Weight Dimension
18kg/case of 6 20kg/case of 6 37.5x13.5x39 cm /case of 6
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he current impasse
in the south and the west. Sudan s president, Omar al-Bashir, thinks that their problems have been
overblown anyway, especially in the case of Darfur, which he presents as a distant and unimportant
province. The Western media, he says, exaggerates it all. In Khartoum, at least, he has a sympathetic
audience, for 70% of all the foreign money pouring into Sudan—according to the minister of
investment—is flowing into Khartoum state, the heart of the regime, binding people there all the more
closely to the ruling National Congress Party.
Yet Mr Bashir s oppressive government is not popular outside Khartoum. Indeed, it is hard to see how it
could win a majority in national elections. The economy may be booming, but it is also displaying all the
classic symptoms of an overheating petro-economy, with a rapidly appreciating currency, rising prices
and creeping corruption, both in the northern and southern governments. Not many Sudanese have a
real stake in the current oil boom, and elections might just sufficiently reshape the political landscape to
alleviate the pressures from the centre on the long-suffering peop fuel dispenser les of Darfur and the south. Perhaps
the most urgent task facing everyone involved in Sudan is to hold the CPA together to ensure that those
el fuel dispenser ections take place.
Timid stakeholders
On paper, a properly united Sudan seems well worth aiming for an oil-rich but underdeveloped south
complementing an educated, commercial fuel dispenser north with few natural resources. But the northern government
still feels no obligation either to share its wealth with poorer peripheral provinces, or to behave well
towards them. What is more, too many countries now have a large financial stake in Sudan. Their wish to
be nice to the regime in Khartoum means they have no interest in forcing it to mend its ways, by, for
instance, imposing further sanctions over Darfur. The Chinese would never agree; but there has been
little help from the Arab League either, or from India and Malaysia. They a